In Figure 5.1， it can be found that some overlaps exist between emphasizing and compromising.For instance， the pattern of MSA (probability & usuality）+ MV applies to both emphasizing and compromising.However， since these MSAs have clear conventional values like MVs， namely， the scale of low， median and high， the combinations between the two types of modal device vary in the two situations.
Figure 5.1 Realization of value by MSAs
5.2 Stance
Stance is equivalent to attitude in many cases.However， according to Biber et al.(1999： 966)， stance means more than attitude.Stance includes personal feelings， attitudes， value judgments， and assessments.The interpersonal meaning of stance conveyed by MSAs can be realized from three lexicogrammatical aspects： (a）the distribution of MSAs in terms of clausal positions； (b）ways of modality supplementing； (c）the types of MSA that are used.
The following part will give an account of how the lexicogrammatical realization of stance works by MSAs.
5.2.1 Clausal positions
Biber et al.(1999： 872）show that the overall clausal positions of stance adverbials vary from register to register， and there is a close relationship between the clausal positions of stance adverbials and functions.In SFL and cognitive linguistics， foregrounding and backgrounding can be tackled from lexicogrammatical aspects rather than style only.This part treats foregrounding and backgrounding as lexicogrammatical concepts.It is assumed that these two clausal positions of MSAs have much to do with contextual factors， which in turn reflect the stance involved.Also， this part will explore the stance conveyed by MSAs in various positions of clause complexes.
5.2.1.1 Foregrounding
Halliday (1984： 112-117）holds that foregrounding is prominence that is motivated， and that the term prominence is a general name for the phenomenon of linguistic highlighting， whereby some feature of the language of a text stands out in some way.In SFL， the given information is normally placed clause-initial while the new information clause-final.Bloor & Bloor (1995： 76）mention the concept of marked theme.Normally the theme occurring clause-initial is ideational from the perspective of exchange.Accordingly， if an MSA appears in the clause-initial position， it may be regarded as a marked theme， a product of information structure and interaction needs.Thus， if MSAs occur clause-initial， they can be taken as foregrounded.
Thibault (1995： 51-89）stresses the role of the speaker who invests in the subject both as the modally responsible element in the clause and in relation to whom the finiteness of the proposition is organized.Seen in this way， MSAs could constitute an important interpersonal grammatical resource for negotiations， and in this process the syntactic positions of MSAs can symbolize the discursive positions and even social positions of the speaker and addressee.For instance， whether MSAs appear clause-initial or not may have much to do with the modally responsible speakers， i.e.they may want to empower themselves or the addressees.For example：
(175）To this end the Member States shall， after consulting the Commission， take the necessary measures within one year of the entry into the force of this Regulation.
The MSA to this end in Example (175）is put clause-initial to supplement the modality indicated by the MV shall.This clause is a declarative in form but an imperative in reality.To this end is used to empower the speaker (as “Member States”-the makers of the law is both the subject and modal responsible).Hence， placed clause-initial， to this end foregrounds the role of the modal responsible in construing modality and more importantly supplementing the modality expressed by the MV shall - a legally binding and high-valued MV.
In terms of cognition， MSAs occurring clause-initial could be regarded as thematization， which is much related to topicality.Like Givón (1983)， Langacker (1991： 306-307）endorses the concept of topicality for the arrangement of grammatical relations in clauses.Prototypically， the subject is an agent， and hence acts as the starting point with respect to energy flow along the action chain.If the profiled relationship includes a participant whose role is clearly agentive， its choice as subject represents the default-case option.The subject as a means of topicality is also referred to as empathy hierarchy， an egocentric assessment of the various sorts of entities that populate the world， diagramed as follows (Langacker， ibid)：
Speaker > hearer > human > animal > physical object > abstract entity
According to the above diagram， topicality or thematization indicates that it is more likely for nouns instead of MSAs to occur clause-initial Delancey (1987）argues that the foregrounding function arises from the reversal of such aspects of cognitive salience as events (cause > effect)， and naturalness (i.e.， natural order of events and narration).The motivations for such “unnatural” choices include vividness， and speaker-motivation.
Based on Langacker and Delancey’s assumptions， a tentative conclusion can be drawn that the clause-initial MSAs as interpersonal devices (thus exhibiting the features of speaker， hearer or other people）highlight topicality or thematization.Consider the following：
(176）Presumably a case can be made that the theoretical commitments of a particular paradigm make it especially suited for the following…
In Example (176)， the MSA presumably indicates topicality and is foregrounded； presumably is used to comment on the proposition that contains the attitude expressed by the MV can.Since the clausal position of presumably does not follow the cognitive model proposed by Langacker， this MSA is foregrounded.
